ExxonMobil's CEO Darren W. Woods, speaking in Washington, D.C. on 22 March 2022, declared the necessity for fossil fuel investments to ensure energy security amidst the global climate crisis. Yet, in stark contrast to public commitments, ExxonMobil spent $16.4 million on lobbying in 2022, maintaining a position of significant influence over U.S. climate policy.

In reviewing congressional records from 1 January 2022 to 31 December 2022, ExxonMobil was among the top ten companies lobbying on energy policy, with 33 registered lobbyists interacting with lawmakers across both parties. Notably, the revolving door between government and industry has contributed to this influence. For instance, former Deputy Assistant Secretary of Energy, Dr. Melissa D. Horne, left her position on 15 January 2021 to become a senior advisor for ExxonMobil, a role that has led directly to the 2022 extension of a multimillion-dollar contract for offshore drilling operations in the Gulf of Mexico.

Lobbying transparency data shows that ExxonMobil, along with the American Petroleum Institute (API), consistently funds think tanks like the Heritage Foundation and the Competitive Enterprise Institute, which actively oppose stringent climate regulations. For example, API contributed $3.5 million to the Heritage Foundation between 2018 and 2021, asserting that the foundation’s policy briefs, such as the one dated April 2021, directly support fossil fuel interests.

This is not an isolated incident. The pattern of fossil fuel companies influencing climate policy is now evident; since 2010, there have been numerous reports of fossil fuel lobbying coinciding with weakened environmental regulations. This is the third documented occasion since 2010 where lobbying efforts by oil and gas companies led to a dilution of proposed climate legislation in Congress.

In terms of specific lobbying gains, the Infrastructure Investment and Jobs Act, signed into law by President Joseph R. Biden Jr. on 15 November 2021, included provisions beneficial to fossil fuel interests despite the Act's rhetoric of climate action. The National Ocean Industries Association, which advocates for the offshore oil and gas industry, lobbied vigorously, resulting in legislative language that concretely favors continued offshore drilling.

Examining the funding networks reveals deep historical roots linking current fossil fuel lobbying efforts to Cold War-era policies. Entities like the American Coalition for Clean Coal Electricity (ACCCE) have revived tactics reminiscent of those employed during the Cold War to support energy independence, often at the expense of environmental stewardship and climate commitments. The legacy of these lobbying practices dates back to organizations established for pro-industrial campaigns that benefited from both public funds and private investment, a tactic seen in the Susurluk network in Turkey that similarly stifled democratic processes via shadowy dealings.

The players involved are worth naming: API's CEO Mike Sommers, who has led lobbying efforts for the API since 2019, earned an annual compensation of $1.2 million in 2021, directly profiting from the connections built through these lobbying efforts. Another pivotal figure is Senator Joe Manchin (D-WV), who has received significant financial backing from fossil fuel interests; between 2015 and 2021, Manchin accepted $832,000 from the oil and gas sector, creating a direct line of influence over energy policy during critical legislative discussions.

The situation is characterized by a complex web of influence and power, wherein legislators are swayed by fossil fuel lobbying that contradicts climate promises. The legacy of these lobbying efforts can be traced back through decades of policy-making failures that consistently sideline the urgency of climate action. This persistent pattern demonstrates a clear structure where fossil fuel lobbying continues to thrive amidst climate commitments, establishing a cycle of influence that undermines genuine progress toward sustainable energy.

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